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Lam
Music Sound
Lam
Mor lam sing | Khene
A khene player in Isan
Mor lam (Thai/Isan:
หมอลำ) is an ancient
Lao form of
song in
Laos and Isan (Northeastern Thailand). Mor lam means expert song, or expert singer, referring to
the music or artist respectively. Other
romanisations used include mo lam, maw lam, maw lum,
moh lam and mhor lum. In Laos, the music is known simply as lam
(ລຳ); mor lam (ໝໍລຳ) refers to the singer.
The characteristic feature of lam singing is the use of a flexible
melody which is tailored to the
tones of the words in the text. Traditionally, the tune was developed by the
singer as an interpretation of glawn poems and
accompanied primarily by the
khene, a
free reed mouth organ, but the modern form is most often
composed and uses electrified
instruments. Contemporary forms of the music are also characterised by quick
tempi and rapid delivery, while tempi tend to be slower in traditional forms and
in some Lao genres. Some
consistent characteristics include strong rythmic accompaniment, vocal leaps,
and a conversational style of singing that can be compared to American
rap.
Typically featuring a theme of unrequited
love, mor lam
also reflects the difficulties of life in rural Isan and Laos, leavened with wry
humour. In its heartland performances are an essential part of festivals and
ceremonies, while the music has gained a profile outside its native regions
thanks to the spread of migrant workers, for whom it remains an important
cultural link
with home.
History
In his Traditional Music of the Lao, Terry Miller identifies five
factors which helped to produce the various genres of lam in Isan: animism,
Buddhism, story telling, ritual courtship and male-female competitive folksongs;
these are exemplified by lam phi fa, an nangsue, lam phuen
and lam glawn (for the last two factors) respectively.[1]
Of these, lam phi fa and lam phuen are probably the oldest, while
it was mor lam glawn which was the main ancestor of the commercial mor
lam performed today.
After Siam extended its influence over Laos in the
18th and 19th centuries, the music of Laos began to spread into the Thai
heartlands; even King Mongkut's vice-king Pinklao becoming enamoured of it. But
in 1865, following the vice-king's death, Mongkut banned public performances,
citing the threat it posed to Thai culture and its role in causing drought.[2]
Performance of mor lam thereafter was a largely local affair, confined to events
such as festivals in Isan and Laos. However, as Isan people began to migrate to
the rest of the country, the music spread with them. The first major mor lam
performance of the 20th century in Bangkok took place at the Rajdamnoen Boxing
Stadium in 1946.[3]
Even then, the number of migrant workers from Isan remained fairly small, and
mor lam was paid little attention by the outside world.
In the 1950s and 1960s, there were efforts in both Thailand and Laos to put
the educational aspect of lam to political use. The
USIS in Thailand and both sides in the Lao civil war recruited mor lam singers
to include propaganda in their performances, in the hope of persuading the rural population to support
the cause. The Thai attempt was unsuccessful, taking insufficient account of
performers' practices and audiences' demands, but more success was had in Laos;
the victorious Communists continued to maintain a propaganda troupe even after
the revolution.[4]
Mor lam started to spread in Thailand in the late
1970s and early 1980s, when more and more people left Isan in search of work.
Mor lam performers began to appear on television, led by Banyen Rakgaen, and the genre soon gained a national profile. The music
remains an important link to home for Isan people in the capital, where mor
lam clubs
and karaoke
bars act as meeting places for migrants.
Contemporary mor lam is very different from that of previous
generations. None of the traditional Isan genres is commonly performed today:
instead singers perform three-minute songs combining lam segments with
luk thung
or pop
style sections, while comedians perform skits in between blocks of songs.
Mor lam
sing performances typically consist of medleys of luk thung and
lam songs, with electric instruments dominant and extremely bawdy
presentation. Lam in Laos is much more traditional, having been much less
exposed to Central Thai and western influences. Even there, however, the music
is beginning to change under the influence of Thai culture: instrumentation,
topics and music are all increasingly similar to the modern Isan style.
Thai academic Prayut Wannaudom has argued that modern mor lam is
increasingly sexualised and lacking in the moral teachings which it
traditionally conveyed, and that commercial pressures encourage rapid production
and imitation rather than quality and originality. On the other hand, these
adaptations have allowed mor lam not only to survive, but itself spread
into the rest of Thailand and internationally, validating Isan and Lao culture
and providing role-models for the young.
[5]
Forms
There are many forms of mor lam. There can be no definitive list as
they are not mutually exclusive, while some forms are confined to particular
localities or have different names in different regions. Typically the
categorisation is by region in Laos and by genre
in Isan. The
traditional forms of Isan are historically important, but are now rarely heard:
- lam phi fah (ลำผีฟ้า) a ritual to propitiate
spirits in cases of possession. Musically it derived from lam tang
yao; however, it was performed not by trained musicians but by those
(most commonly old women) who were thought themselves to have been cured by
the ritual.[6]
- mor lam glawn (หมอลำกลอน) a vocal "battle" between the sexes.
In Laos it is known as lam tat. Performances traditionally lasted all
night, and consisted of first two, then three parts:
- lam tang san (ลำทางสั้น) ("short form") took up the bulk of
the time, with the singers delivering glawn
poems a few minutes in length, performing alternately for about half an
hour each from evening until about an hour before dawn. They would
pretend gradually to fall in love, sometimes with rather explicit sexual
banter.
- lam tang yao (ลำทางยาว) ("long form"), a representation of
the lovers' parting performed slowly and in a speech rhythm for about a
quarter of an hour.
- lam toei (ลำเต้ย) was introduced in the mid-20th century.
Similar in length to the lam tang yao, it is fast and
light-hearted, with metrical texts falling into three categories:
toei tamada ("normal toei"), using glawn
texts in Isan; toei Pama ("Burmese toei"), using
central or
northern Thai texts and forms; and toei Kong ("Mekong toei"),
again central or northern Thai in origin. It uses the same scale as
lam yao.[7]
- lam jotgae or lam jot (ลำโจทย์แก้ or ลำโจทย์) is a variant
of lam glawn formerly popular in the Khon Kaen area, in which the
singers (often both male) asked one another questions on general knowledge
topics religion, geography, history etc. trying to catch out their
opponent.
- mor lam mu (หมอลำหมู่) folk opera, developed in the mid-20th
century. Lam mu is visually similar to Central Thai
likay, but the subject matter (mainly Jataka stories) derived from
lam rueang (the subgenre of lam phuen) and the music from
lam tang yao. It was originally more serious than lam plern and
required more skilled performers, but in the late 20th century the two
converged to a style strongly influenced by Central Thai and western popular
music and dance. Both have now declined in popularity and are now rare.[8]
- mor lam plern (หมอลำเพลิน) a celebratory narrative, performed
by a group. It originated around the same time as lam mu, but used a
more populist blend of song and dance. The material consisted of metrical
verses sung in the yao scale, often with a speech-rhythm
introduction.[9]
- lam phuen (ลำพื้น) recital of local
legends or Jataka
stories, usually by a male singer, with khene accompaniment. In the subgenre
of lam rueang (ลำเรื่อง), sometimes performed by women, the singer acts out
the various characters in costume. Performance of one complete story can
last for one or two whole nights. This genre is now extremely rare, and may
be extinct.[10]
Isan has regional styles, but these are styles of performance rather than
separate genres. The most important of the styles were Khon Kaen and Ubon, each
taking their cue from the dominant form of lam glawn in their area: the lam
jotgae of Khon Kaen, with its role of displaying and passing on knowledge in
various fields, led to a choppy, recitative-style delivery, while the love
stories of Ubon promoted a slower and more fluent style. In the latter half of
the 20th century the Ubon style came to dominate; the adaptation of Khon Kaen
material to imitate the Ubon style was sometimes called the Chaiyaphum style.[11]
The Lao regional
styles are divided into the southern and central styles (lam) and the
northern styles (khap). The northern styles are more distinct as the
terrain of northern Laos has made communications there particularly difficult,
while in southern and central Laos cross-fertilisation has been much easier.
Northern Lao singers typically perform only one style, but those in the south
can often perform several regional styles as well as some genres imported from
Isan.[12]
The main Lao styles are:[13]
- Lam Sithandone (also called Lam Si Pan Don), from
Champassak is similar in style to the lam glawn of Ubon. It
is.accompanied by a solo khene, playing in a san mode, while the
vocal line shifts between san and yao scales. The rhythm of
the vocal line is also indeterminate, beginning in speech rhythm and
shifting to a metrical rhythm.
- Lam Som is rarely performed and may now be extinct. From
Champassak, the style is hexatonic, using the yao scale plus a
supertonic C, making a scale of A-B-C-D-E-G. It uses speech rhythm in the
vocal line, with a slow solo khene accompaniment in meter. It is similar to
Isan's lam phuen. Both Lam Som and Lam Sithandone lack
the descending shape of the vocal line used in the other southern Lao
styles.
- Lam Khon Savane from Savannakhet is one of the most widespread
genres. It uses the san scale, with a descending vocal line over a
more rigidly metrical ensemble accompaniment. Ban Xoc and Mahaxay
are musically very similar, but Ban Xoc is usually performed only on
ceremonial occasions while Mahaxay is distinguished by a long high
note preceding each descent of the vocal line.
- Lam Phu Thai uses the yao scale, with a descending vocal
line and ensemble accompaniment in meter.
- Lam Tang Vay is a Lao version of
Mon-Khmer
music, with a descending ensemble accompaniment.
- Lam Saravane is also of Mon-Khmer orign. It uses the yao
scale. The descending vocal line is in speech rhythm, while the khene and
drum accompaniment is in meter.
- Khap Thum Luang Phrabang is related to the court music of
Luang Phrabang, but transformed into a folk-song style. The singer and
audience alternately sing lines to a set melody, accompanied by an ensemble.
- Khap Xieng Khouang (also called Khap Phuan) uses the
yao scale and is typically sung metrically by male singers and
non-metrically by women.
- Khap Ngeum uses the yao scale. It alternates declaimed
line from the singer and non-metrical khene passages, at a pace slow enough
to allow improvisation.
- Khap Sam Neua uses the yao scale. Singers are accompanied
by a solo khene, declaiming lines each ending in a cadence.
- Khap Thai Dam
Performers
Traditionally, young mor lam were taught by established artists,
paying them for their teaching with money or in kind. The education focussed on
memorising the texts of the verses to be
sung; these texts could be passed on orally or in writing, but they always came
from a written source. Since only men had access to education, it was only men
who wrote the texts. The musical education was solely by imitation.
Khaen-players
typically had no formal training, learning the basics of playing from friends or
relatives and thereafter again relying on imitation.[14]
With the decline of the traditional genres this system has fallen into disuse;
the emphasis on singing ability (or looks) is greater, while the lyrics of a
brief modern song present no particular challenge of memorisation.
The social status of mor lam is ambiguous. Even in the Isan heartland,
Miller notes a clear division between the attitudes of rural and urban people:
the former see mor lam as, "teacher, entertainer, moral force, and
preserver of tradition", while the latter, "hold mawlum singers in low esteem,
calling them country bumpkins, reactionaries, and relegating them to among the
lower classes since they make their money by singing and dancing".[15]
Performance
A live performance of mor lam sing.
In Laos, lam
may be performed standing (lam yuen) or sitting (lam nang).
Northern lam is typically lam yuen and southern lam is
typically lam nang. In
Isan lam was
traditionally performed seated, with a small audience surrounding the singer,
but over the latter half of the
20th
century the introduction of stages and amplification allowed a shift to
standing performances in front of a larger audience.[16]
Live performances are now often large-scale events, involving several
singers, a
dance troupe and
comedians. The
dancers (or hang khreuang) in particular often wear spectacular
costumes, while the singers may go through several costume changes in the course
of a performance. Additionally, smaller-scale, informal performances are common
at festivals, temple fairs and ceremonies such as funerals and weddings.
These performances often include
improvised material between songs and passages of teasing dialogue (Isan สอย,
soi) between the singer and members of the audience.
Characteristics
Instruments
The traditional instruments of mor lam are:
Many genres (including the khap of northern Laos and lam glawn
and lam phuen in Isan) were traditionally accompanied only by the khene,
but ensembles have become more common. Most commercial artists now use at least
some electric instruments, most often a
keyboard
set up to sound like a
1960s Farfisa-style
organ;
electric guitars are also common. Other western instruments are also
becoming popular, such as the
saxophone
and the drum
kit.
Music
Lam singing is characterised by the adaptation of the [vocal line to
fit the tones of the words used.[17] It also features staccato articulation and rapid shifting between the limited number of
notes in the scale
being used, commonly delivering around four syllables per second.[18]
There are two
pentatonic scales, each of which roughly corresponds to intervals of a western
diatonic major scale as follows:

The actual
pitches used vary according to the particular khene accompanying the singer.[19]
The khene itself is played in one of six
modes
based on the scale being used.[20]
Because Thai and Lao do not include phonemic stress, the rhythm used in their poetry is demarcative, i.e. based on the
number of syllables rather than on the number of stresses.[21]
In glawn
verse (the most
common form of traditional lam text) there are seven basic syllables in
each line, divided into three and four syllable
hemistiches. When combined with the musical beat, this produces a natural rhythm
of four on-beat syllables, three off-beat syllables, and a final one beat rest:

In actual practice this pattern is complicated by the subdivision of beats
into even or
dotted two-syllable pairs and the addition of prefix syllables which occupy the
rest at the end of the previous line; each line may therefore include eleven or
twelve actual syllables.[22] In the modern form, there are sudden tempo changes
from the slow introduction to the faster main section of the song. Almost every
contemporary mor lam song features the following
bass rhythm,
which is often ornamented
melodically or
rhythmically, such as by dividing the
crotchets into quavers:

The ching normally play a
syncopated rhythm on the off-beat,
giving the music a characteristically quick rhythm and tinny sound.
Content
Mor lam was traditionally sung in the
Lao or Isan language. The subject matter varied according to the genre: love in
the lam glawn of Ubon; general knowledge in the lam jot of Khon Kaen; or Jataka
stories in lam phun. The most common verse form was the four-line glawn stanza
with seven main syllables per line, although in Khon Kaen the technical subject
matter led to the use of a free-form series of individual lines, called glawn
gap.[23]
In Laos, it is the regional styles which determine the form of the text. Each
style may use a metrical or a speech-rhythm form, or both; where the lines are
metrical, the lam styles typically use seven syllables, as in Isan, while
the khap styles use four or five syllables per line.[24]
The slower pace of some Lao styles allows the singer to improvise the verse, but
otherwise the text is memorised.[25]
In recent decades the Ubon style has come to dominate lam in Isan,
while the Central Thai influence has led to most songs being written in a mix of
Isan and Thai.
Unrequited love is a prominent theme, although this is laced with a considerable
amount of humour. Many songs feature a loyal boy or girl who stays at home in
Isan, while his or her partner goes to work as a migrant labourer in Bangkok and
finds a new, richer lover.
The glawn verses in lam tang san were typically preceded by a
slower, speech-rhythm introduction, which included the words o la naw
("oh my dear", an exhortation to the listeners to pay attention) and often a
summary of the content of the poem.[26]
From this derives the gern (Thai เกริ่น) used in many modern songs: a
slow, sung introduction, generally accompanied by the khene, introducing the
subject of the song, and often including the o la naw. (sample)
The plaeng (Thai เพลง) is a sung
verse, often in
Central Thai. (sample),
while the actual lam (Thai ลำ) appears as a chorus between plaeng
sections. (sample)
Recordings
A mor lam VCD featuring Jintara; the karaoke text, the dancers and the
backdrop are typical of the genre.
As few mor lam artists write all their own material, many of them are
extremely prolific, producing several
albums each year. Major singers release their recordings on audio tape, CD
and VCD formats. The album may take its name from a title track, but others are simply
given a series number.
Mor lam VCDs can also often be used for
karaoke. A
typical VCD
song
video consists of a performance, a narrative film, or both intercut. The
narrative depicts the subject matter of the song; in some cases, the lead role
in the film is played by the singer. In the performance, the singer performs the
song in front of a static group of dancers, typically female. There may be a
number of these recordings in different costumes, and costumes may be modern or
traditional dress; the singer often wears the same costume in different videos
on the same album. The performance may be outdoors or in a studio; studio
performances are often given a psychedelic animated backdrop.
Videos from Laos tend to be much more basic, with lower production values.
Some of the most popular current artists are
Banyen Rakgan, Chalermphol Malaikham, Jintara Poonlarp, Siriporn Ampaipong, and
Pornsack Songsaeng. In 2001, the first album by Dutch singer Christy Gibson was released.
Notes
- ^ Terry E. Miller,
Traditional Music of the Lao p. 295.
- ^ Miller pp. 38-39.
- ^ Miller p. 40.
- ^ Miller p. 56.
- ^ Prayut Wannaudom,
The Collision between Local Performing Arts and Global Communication, in
case Mawlum
- ^ Garland
Encyclopedia of World Music, p. 329.
- ^ Miller p. 24.
- ^ Garland p. 328.
- ^ Garland p. 328.
- ^ Miller p. 40.
- ^ Miller p. 133.
- ^ Garland p. 341.
- ^ Garland pp. 341-352.
- ^ Miller pp. 43-46.
- ^ Miller p. 61.
- ^ Miller p. 42.
- ^ Miller p. 23.
- ^ Miller p. 142.
- ^ Garland p. 322.
- ^ Garland p. 323
- ^ James N Mosel,
Sound and Rhythm in Thai and English Verse, Pasa lae Nangsue.
Bangkok (1959). p. 31-32.
- ^ Miller p. 104.
- ^ Miller p. 133.
- ^ Garland p. 340.
- ^ Garland p. 342.
- ^ Miller p. 107.
References
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